介紹美國政客與有心人士如何塑造伊斯蘭恐懼工業
By Alex
Kane
Global Research, October 29, 2012
Ahmed Sharif was a 44-year-old
Muslim Bangladeshi taxi driver in New York City. It was August 24, 2010, a time
that marked the height of vitriolic protests against a planned Islamic center
to be located in lower Manhattan, a few blocks away from the site of Ground
Zero. Sharif picked up 21-year-old Michael Enright for an early evening ride.
Everything was going smoothly until Enright, three blocks away from his stop, yelled at Sharif,
“this is a checkpoint, motherfucker, and I have to bring you down.”
Enright, a filmmaker who kept a diary filled
with strong anti-Muslim sentiment, pulled out a knife and slashed
Sharif across the throat, face and arms. Enright tried to escape, but was
arrested by the New York Police Department. Sharif survived, but he packed up
and moved to Buffalo, in upstate New York. It was a crime that seemed to fit in
with the general climate of hysteria over Muslims that developed that summer.
This is how Nathan Lean begins
telling the story of how a small group of bigots seized upon the frustrations
and fears of post-9/11 America and exploited those feelings to create a
circular industry of hate. Lean’s new
book, The Islamophobia
Industry: How the Right Manufactures Fear of Muslims, is a
compact and punchy look at this industry stretching across continents that has
sowed hatred of Muslims into the fabric of Western society.
The book, written by the
editor-in-chief of Aslan Media, comes at an
opportune time. Released in September 2012, the book landed just one month
after American Muslims witnessed a stark increase in hate attacks during the
holy month of Ramadan. A report by the
Council on American Islamic Relations documented that the Ramadan of 2012 “saw one of the worst spikes of
anti-Muslim incidents in over a decade.”
From the beginning of 2012 to
July 20, which is when Ramadan began, there were 10 incidents in which Muslim
places of worship were targeted. During Ramadan–specifically over 13 days in
August–”Muslim places of worship were targeted eight times.” These incidents
include the destruction of a mosque in Missouri by fire; the leaving of pig
legs at a planned mosque site in California; and the firing of air rifles
outside a mosque in Illinois.
How, exactly, did we get here? By
the time Ramadan of 2012 rolled around, it had been almost 11 years since the
September 11, 2001 attacks were carried out by a group of Islamic
fundamentalists part of Al Qaeda. You
would expect anti-Muslim bigotry to decrease after the wounds of 9/11 healed, after it became clear that the vast majority of
American Muslims have no inclination to attack their own country. You would be
wrong.
Jumping from the U.S. to Israel
to Europe, Lean traces the arc of the Islamophobic sentiment that has exploded
in the West. The foreword from scholar on Islam John Esposito lays out the
importance of Lean’s work: “It exposes the
multi-million dollar cottage industry of fear mongers and the network of
funders and organizations that support and perpetuate bigotry, xenophobia, and
racism, and produce a climate of fear that sustains a threatening social
cancer.”
Lean properly places anti-Muslim
bigotry in the context of American hysteria over religions and ideologies that
refused to conform to mainstream standards. Before jumping into the
contemporary context, he reminds readers that Catholics were once the target of
acceptable religious bigotry. The conspiracy theories spun out of thin air
about Catholics would ring a familiar bell to those consuming Frank Gaffney’s utterly insane theory
that the Muslim Brotherhood has infiltrated the U.S. government and is
subverting it from within.
But by far the most important contribution Lean makes is his
unmasking of the bigots who have infused American politics with virulent
anti-Muslim sentiment. Lean
zeroes in on a number of high-profile episodes and figures to make his points,
from the pro-settler Clarion Fund’s distribution of an anti-Muslim film to the
2010 Values Voter summit to Anders Behring Breivik’s killing spree in Norway. Lean points to an “industry” of hate mongers that have
gone to “great lengths to sell its message to the public.” The difference, though, between this industry and
others is that “in many cases the very networks that spread their products are
themselves participants in the ruse to whip up public fear of Muslims….It is a
relationship of mutual benefit, where ideologies and political proclivities
converge to advance the same agenda.”
The most important nodes in this
industry are the online peddlers of hate. The author particularly focuses on Pamela Geller, the blogger
at the front of the network of Islamophobes in the U.S. You can see Geller’s
fingerprints in many of the public battles over Islam in this country, most
prominently the ginned-up hysteria over the Park 51 Islamic center. Currently,
Geller is in the spotlight for a series of anti-Muslim ads she has put up in
New York, San Francisco and Washington, D.C.–with more on the way. She has used
her celebrity, boosted by Fox News (a principal player in the Islamophobia
industry), to create cross-continental activist networks against Islam. Robert Spencer,
Geller’s partner in crime, is also a focus of Lean’s. “People such as Robert Spencer, Daniel Pipes, or Martin Kramer, all online Islamophobes, spread each others’
postings and write-ups to their own audience,” writes Lean. “With each new
click of the mouse, the story grows.”
But the Islamophobia industry does not just exist in the fever swamps of
the online world. There’s real on the ground work being done. And there are disparate players in this industry. They come, principally, from right-wing Zionism and
evangelical Christianity, uniting to form a Judeo-Christian front in their
battle against Islam. Their funders, too, come from these worlds–though the
right-wing Zionist world has fueled the majority of anti-Muslim activists.
Right-wing Christian ideology
places Muslims beyond the pale. “The idea that Muslims may also be in
possession of God’s revelation and truth, is not only unacceptable, it is an
offense so blasphemous that it must be stopped,” Lean notes. Evangelical Christians, as a core part of the Republican base, have actively pushed their ideas about Islam into the mainstream
of American politics. They have
been aided by figures such as Newt Gingrich, who while reinventing himself as
an ardent Christian conservative has also spread
panic about Sharia law taking over the United States. Many Christian
conservatives are also, of course, Christian Zionists who see Israel as the
fulfillment of biblical prophecy that will continue until the Messiah comes
down again.
It is this Christian Zionism
that closely binds right-wing evangelicals with strong supporters of the Jewish state. The Zionists who spread anti-Muslim bigotry can be placed in
three camps, according to Lean: religious
(Jewish) Zionism, Christian Zionism and political Zionism. “For Religious Zionists, prophecy is the main driver
of their Islamophobic fervor. For them, Palestinians are not just unbidden
inhabitants; they are not just Arabs in Jewish lands. They are not just
Muslims, even. They are non-Jews–outsiders cut from a different cloth–and God’s
commandments regarding them are quite clear,” he writes. And there is the
political Zionism that sheds religious language but is still hostile towards
Muslims. As Max Blumenthal
wrote, these figures, some of whom are neoconservatives, believe
that “the Jewish state [is] a Middle Eastern Fort Apache on the front lines of
the Global War on Terror.”
Lean’s spot-on analysis about how
Zionism is connected to Islamophobia is a refreshing departure from other works
and institutions that shy away from examining the connection. The most
prominent investigative reporting on Islamophobia and its sources of funding
has come from the Obama-linked Center for American Progress (CAP). But the
Zionist motivations of many of the funders CAP highlights are not interrogated.
You have to turn to this piece by
activists Donna Nevel and Elly Bulkin on those connections to get the full
picture.
Lean also pinpoints how anti-Muslim bigtory has spread from the Internet world
to the very heart of some government policies on terrorism. From the New York Police Department’s surveillance
program to Peter King’s hearings on “Muslim radicalization,” anti-Muslim bigotry has become institutionalized in some
quarters of government.
But Lean’s discussion of how
parts of the U.S. government have become infused with Islamophobia does not
tell the full story–and this is the main critique I have of an otherwise
excellent book. Lean correctly focuses on how the right has manufactured fear
and hatred of Muslims. But it would be wrong to leave out the other side of the
equation: how liberals in this country who are
part of the Democratic Party have also helped anti-Muslim sentiment to spread.
This is not to say that Democrats spew
Islamophobia in their election campaigns. No, the Democratic Party does not go
that far. But they are largely silent when
ugly anti-Muslim bigotry comes into play, which allows the right to step into
the vacuum in a debate over Islam in the U.S. When the Democrats run away from the issue, there is no one
left in the mainstream to challenge the right’s Islamophobia.
As Deepa Kumar, author of her
own book on Islamophobia, pointed out in The Nation, Islamophobia
is a “bipartisan project.” Liberal Islamophobia, Kumar writes, “may be rhetorically gentler but it reserves the right of
the US to wage war against ‘Islamic terrorism’ around the world, with no respect for the right of self-determination
by people in the countries it targets.” You can see this liberal Islamophobia
in action when you look at the fact that “Obama has continued Bush’s policies of torture, extraordinary
rendition and pre-emptive prosecution.
American Muslims continue to be harassed and persecuted by the state.” And then
there was Obama counter-terrorism adviser John Brennan
pronouncing that the NYPD’s
targeting of Muslim in their surveillance program was legitimate. “My conversations with Commissioner [Ray] Kelly
indicate he’s done everything according to the law,” Brennan told reporters.
While the White House walked back
his comments, Brennan’s continued presence in the administration tells you all
you need to know. Liberal Islamophobia’s march continues ahead–and ignoring how
the Obama administration has failed to combat anti-Muslim bigotry is setting
people up for failure. The way to combat Islamophobia is through activism and
coalition-building, but if you ignore its manifestations no matter where they
emanate from, you won’t get very far.
Besides that oversight, though,
Lean’s The Islamophobia Industry is a vital contribution to the
still-growing body of literature on anti-Muslim sentiment in the U.S. If you
want to understand the genesis of the right’s toxic Islamophobia and how it has
spread, pick up Lean’s
book. You won’t regret it.
Alex Kane is a staff reporter for Mondoweiss. Follow him on
Twitter @alexbkane.
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